Revisionist Socialism

Revisionist Socialism, damn splitters.

Proponents and subideologies

Note: People marked with an asterisk are their countries' starting leaders.

Subideology	Description	Adherents
Agrarian Socialism	The Industrial Revolution in Europe was so transformative, from how it altered structures as grand as the relations of production, to how it changed familial structure under wage labour and urbanization; that it would be bizarre if it did not similarly impact political philosophy and discourse. Was mass industrialization an aberration, or the next proper stage of civilization? The Marxist current of socialism, with its interpretations of and responses to the shocks of the new world, would come to predominate in Europe and spread across the world — but it did not entirely replace its forebears. Especially where the Industrial Revolution was slow to start or arrive, the peasants and reformers had more time to develop a concept of mass socialism adapted to their local conditions: an Agrarian Socialism. While many socialist movements have looked toward the example of Berlin, others have derived different conclusions from the problems of the day. The final striving towards communism from industrial socialism, or the creation of an urban party to organize the workers for the revolution, may seem outright alien in parts of the globe where the bulk of the population are still farmers. Some have adjusted the Spartakist model to raise the peasantry as a revolutionary class and to plan an alternate route to Marx's goals, but others have remained focused on the practical realities of their situation. A small farmer, here, technically owns the means of production — but is he bourgeois? Does he hoard surplus value? The Agrarian Socialist tendency thus trends toward reform to ameliorate rural conditions. It still aims for social control over the land and means of production, but primarily focused on the most old and storied means of all: that which feeds. Like the Social-Revolutionaries in Russia who remained a parliamentary party despite their consideration of Marxism, they tend to be willing to work within the existing political system rather than chase the future revolution. In other contexts, however, these currents may not even be united by a political party, but have demands and a political program to present to the government. Let it not be said that those whose lives have been treated as a transitional stage to utopia or as a mass of unthinking loyalists are content to have no voice of their own.	Aleksandar Stamboliyski* A. K. Fazlul Huq Ngô Đình Diem Nikolai Avksentiev
Democratic Socialism	Nowadays it is easy to forget that, for all that the end goal was, and for all General Ludendorff did to force them to arms, the Social Democratic Party was a mainstream political party in the German Empire. It was not a clique of militants meeting furtively in basements and drawing up lists of people to purge, but a public organization that campaigned for concessions from the bourgeois state and support from the public it claimed to represent. If there was no turning point forced by their illegalization, what would the SPD of the 1930s have looked like? Perhaps, in practice, it would be a bastion of Democratic Socialism. The tendency is far from novel. In Britain, where the proletariat was especially advanced, the Chartists of the 19th century sought public demonstrations of support for reform to move the levers of power in Parliament. This, rather than insurrection, was the method of the day. As political franchise expanded in democratic countries, it became more possible to take a democratic approach to what was once thought of as a revolutionary struggle. If socialism claims to represent the common man, after all, it should be able to earn their support in a fair campaign. Democratic Socialism is thus an approach to proletarian struggle mediated through the system of representative government in its host country. Recognizing that illicit and violent struggle tends to forge an authoritarian political movement, it chooses to work within democracy to reform it, gaining control over state institutions and the economy via the ballot box. Though decried as gradualist and corruptible in some quarters, the publicly sunny face of these movements can broaden their appeal to the general population, and ideally discourage their suppression by the state. But equally important, a democratic socialist party can be removed peacefully should it lose the confidence of its base. However much bourgeois politics can corrupt, the authoritarian entrenchment that has occurred in some countries, backed by bayonets, is absent. The road to socialism will still be walked — voluntarily, with the support of the people.	Paul Levi* Sa Zhenbing* Fernando de los Ríos Fyodor Dan
Esoteric Socialism	Many secular belief systems have been derided as a would-be religion. It is a time-worn bit of rhetoric to look at the practice of an ideology or movement and describe it in such a way, as equally dogmatic as the most hidebound sect. The jab is all the more amusing when it lands on an avowedly materialist or atheistic worldview, and the socialists and outright communists know it well. However, as the search for meaning in the modern world produced all manner of cults and scholarly groups, it was inevitable that some would synthesize socialism with a niche spiritual vision. When such an organization finds itself with political power, the resulting form of governance has been termed Esoteric Socialism. Whether because one's strain of socialist thought is primarily non-materialist, or simply goes hand-in-hand with a spiritual or millenarian vision, the result is something altogether unlike a conventional socialist movement. Rather than a vanguard or parliamentary party, the Esoteric Socialist model may rely on a a religious or secret society as its main center of political power, perhaps initially functioning within an existing party. While the structure of this organization is often undemocratic and hierarchical, the rituals by which a member is initiated can serve to ensure their solidarity with the group and commitment to its political principles. However fallible man is in the quest for equality, giving his work a spiritual dimension can strengthen his will, whether to care for his brother in arms or for the uninitiated masses. Largely theoretical as the world entered the 1930s, it remains to be seen what tendency will predominate — be it an offshoot of Marxism first, or a more spiritual worldview that comes to similar conclusions. Whether a perversion of socialism, or a means of granting it greater meaning, Esoteric Socialism defies easy categorization. Yet so too does a world wracked by the pained spasms of modernity. If the people demand liberation from their travails and unease, the messenger argues, let us liberate their souls as well.	Aleksandr Barchenko Nguyen Thành Nam
Nationalist Socialism'	A lasting solidarity is hard to find, especially in conflict with other solidarities. While frequently decried as an anti-patriotic force, not all who wave the red flag have forgotten the one of their country, and see their interests in alignment. Is it out of insufficiently-developed consciousness? Or would to deny one's homeland be to march out of step with its own working class? For the socialist parties that chose the latter, they came to define the ideology of Nationalist Socialism. This phenomenon is the culmination of a few trends in the early twentieth century. Generally, in less developed countries, it is another manifestation of the nation-building project. In this case, its adherents see state-directed economic policy as a tool of development, for fostering productive growth and national solidarity among the masses. In Europe, the outbreak of the Great War would also make many socialists choose their fatherlands over international brotherhood, some even coming to view the directed war economy and sense of collective unity as similar to their goals. Even before then, a number of Italians saw the expansion of their empire in Africa and entry into the Great War as a revolutionary task — against the wealthy empires of the world, was Italy not comparatively a proletarian nation? Nationalist Socialism as a doctrine is far from concrete. Some of its adherents were drawn to Accelerationism, or to more authoritarian forms of socialism, leaving it sometimes defined by what was left behind. These movements are still generally parliamentary and socialist, but have stopped well short of embracing the old Marxist line that the worker has no homeland. This tends to place them in opposition to parties avowedly of the Second International. Additionally, whether for practical developmentalist reasons or out of a sense of solidarity, these socialists tend to be much more accommodating to "patriotic bourgeoisie" who can contribute to the socialist task with their industry and wealth. Decried as revisionist in text and spirit, it is nonetheless a reminder that the Social Democrats of Berlin do not speak for all proletarians with their sensibilities.	Mid'hat Frashëri Freydun Atturaya Ion Flureas Boris Savinkov
Religious Socialism	Before sociologists and socialists put a name to it, solidarity still existed. Community and charity had their place in the community of the faithful and its good works. The revolutionary politics of the 1800s in Europe and the Americas would often take on an anticlerical tinge, or outright irreligiosity, but within the socialist movement, there were still many who were at least comfortable with organized religion even if their politics were not avowedly religious. Not for nothing is it joked that the Labour faction of British politics owes more to the tenets of Methodism than Marx. Eventually, someone would cut the Gordian Knot in appealing to the downtrodden who were supposedly not yet ready to put down the "opiate of the masses," formulating an explicitly Religious Socialism. Certainly, it is not the only movement trying to navigate home from the individualism of the Enlightenment paradigm, but the significance to the workers' movement is obvious. Many who would be otherwise susceptible to socialist appeals were immediately turned away by the specter of the God-killing radical, regardless of its veracity. Where promises of land reform might not suffice to win over the countryside, suspicions may be allayed by articulating just how much their old traditions could have in common with socialism. For all that the established hierarchies of the church could still decry these trends as heterodox, it is difficult to forget Pope Bonifatius X's decision to recognize the German revolutionaries. Could religious and class solidarity be a necessary synthesis to replace a shaky old order? Naturally, the interpretations of Religious Socialism vary by school, as does the extent of the faith's influence on all policy of the movement. Some have their home in political parties, others in church or peasant organizations. Whether emphasizing rhetoric of Christ, Buddhist anti-materialism, the Muslim notion of Zakat, or any other religious tenet that has resemblance to socialism, the common factor is that its conception of social and economic justice is rooted in the faith - a basis more enduring than any manifesto.	Angelos Sikelianos Pridi Banomyong Abbé Pierre Donduk Kuular
Utopian Socialism	In a world ravaged by war, there are still a few daring to dream of a better future. A socialism that is untainted by the violent cynicism of Marxists and Accelerationists— a true brotherhood of mankind, a joyous communion of all Earth. For despite what historians in London may preach, and contrary to what the theoreticians in Germany will tell you, the idea of Utopian Socialism is not yet dead: it is just waking up. What is referred to as Utopian Socialism in fact comprises many doctrines, from the libidinal phalansteries of Charles Fourier, to the whirring industrialism of Henri de Saint-Simon, and many more. Yet despite this diversity, all of them are united in a single vision: the perfection of humanity itself. Utopians generally have a positive view of human nature, rarely advocating for violent revolutions, and instead believing in the power of diligent labor to overcome the injustices of capitalism while stressing the importance of strong moral principles necessary to build a new world. The detractors of utopianism like to call this sentiment naïve, these dreams impossible, tested by the steel trial of modernity. Yet, the high ideals still garner followers. The visions of a new spring for humanity, freed from petty greed and living in perfect harmony with each other never cease to captivate readers, drawn to a flickering hope of overcoming the crisis of modernity. As stormclouds gather across the globe, the peoples of Earth ask themselves: is Utopian Socialism really destined for the dustbin of history? Or will its dreams cease to be mere phantasms one day, as mankind walks gracefully into a new age of peace and splendor?	Upton Sinclair Serafim Kulachikov Volodymyr Vynnychenko