Accelerationism

Accelerationism is when you're wacky

Proponents and subideologies

Note: People marked with an asterisk are their countries' starting leaders.

Subideology	Description	Adherents
Fiumanism	The old order: the geriatric men who delight in glad-handing and favours; the politically corrupt and spiritually bankrupt. A nation simply cannot achieve its destiny, cannot strive towards its moral purpose, with such foul fossils in control. Distilling a people from the muck of democracy requires those who not only simply wish to experience a full and free life, but have the energy to seize it, too. Gabriele d'Annunzio was one such man, and the song that the Viceroyalty of Carnaro proudly sings has had profound reverberations. In spite of his claims of imminent national and international revolution being swiftly proven false, his efforts remained a beacon to whose guiding light many around the world flocked. Illuminated by the Fiuman torch-light, the ethos of the city-state and its followers coalesced around principles unconstrained by the traditional political sphere. Revolutionary nationalism, anti-imperial rhetoric, single-party ruling coalitions, and class collaborationist economics play a prominent role, of course, but of equal — if not greater — importance was the mindset embodied by the enigmatic poet-king. Renewal of a country's body politic cannot occur only in the houses of government, but in the theatres, poetry clubs, and coffee houses too. To lead a people into a better future requires vibrant souls; it requires men who take life by the throat. The romantic appreciation of a Dionysian life, the thirst for its greatest adventures, and the courage required to pursue it, necessitates those who wish to fly amongst the highest heights — not every man off the street has the élan required for such an existence. Those that do, however, shall be the heralds of the coming new world — and it shall be beautiful.	Gabriele D'Annunzio* Pádraig Mac Piarais*
Futurism	Velocity. Technology. War. In the smoldering tension of the 1900s, a furious engine began to roar in Italy, and its war cry would be heard around the world. From the pen of Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, his 1909 manifesto would grow into an artistic school, but also into a totalizing political and philosophical ethos that sought the remodelling of life from the dinner table to the battlefield. At the same time, as it drew interest in Italy, Europe, and beyond, its application came to defy simple political classification, other than "anti-traditionalism". Arguably the first of the modern ideologies that make up the core of Accelerationism, the world is only now reckoning with the legacy of Futurism. Marinetti's precepts were at war with the past, viciously attacking bourgeois morality and tradition. They trumpeted militarism, youth, and innovation from the automobile to the aeroplane. At the same time, there was an elitist sensibility to the founder's rhetoric, exhorting superior men to heroism and convention-defying deeds. While frequently at odds with socialism, and while the 1920s drove a wedge between the League of Fiume and the Second International, it became far more than a rightist tendency almost immediately. At first it seduced nationalist socialists, then anarchists who also sought to upend public order. In Russia, futurism would even join arms with the communists, seeing in it a society-scale project to liberate and uplift the masses. This utopian drive would survive the Great War, forever elevating the image of the heroic pilot or ardito shock-trooper, and ensuring the new states in Fiume and Kavkaz would be built, in part, by revolutionary futurists. Futurism's immediate novelty has worn off, but the task before it remains, with a whole world left to revolutionize. But how will the globe be reshaped, and under whom? Time in government has produced a wide range of economic models under its umbrella, from producer-directed capitalism and syndicalism to state-managed corporatism and communism. Will the motor carry its rider into ecstacies of total war, or visionary utopia? Is either extreme truly opposed? Can Futurism maintain its dizzying momentum? Or, in the end, will gravity always win?	Antonin Artaud (Starting/Escardon)* Paulette Nardal* Vladimir Mayakovsky*
National Rejuvenatism	The rise of the National Rejuvenation concept is a story of success in the wake of the Great War — of D'Annunzio, of newly won independence — but also of failure. In Russia, the victors of the civil war failed to inspire much international sympathy standing atop the ashes they won. In France, the Orléans Restoration floundered on repealing the Law of Exile. In Italy, the burgeoning fascist coalition self-destructed trying to ally with conservative interests. But most importantly, in a newly reborn Poland, the forces of the traditional right sullied their hands working with the tsarist oppressor in exchange for autonomy. The new states of Europe watched and understood: the nationalism of the future would have to be explicitly modern in its outlook, or it would perish. It would be Warsaw that served as the laboratory of the ideology. Free from German and Russian domination, but also inheriting a disunited populace to make into Poles, the state's approach to nation-building would prove instructive to other nationalists adrift in the world. The avant-garde nationalism of the League of Fiume would also prove instructive as the new tendency took shape, uniting dissident leftists and rightists just as D'Annunzio and Piarais had done. Having carved out its own regional bloc, the emboldened Sanacja regime of Marshal Piłsudski soon gained admirers and theoreticians who would run further with the concepts, promising a new sense of meaning and pride in the postwar malaise. Collected under the label of Accelerationism, the "Rejuvenationist" model is as eclectic as its peers, and often broadly applied. There are, of course, common traits that define it. The nation requires a strong hand to awaken it, and this necessarily produces an authoritarian government. Said government exerts a strong influence on the economy. Above all else, National Rejuvenation seeks to inculcate a new national identity and mythos in the population — through all of its policy — and it is a mythos they must all recite together on the march ahead.	Razaf* Józef Piłsudski* Kojo Tovalu Houénou* Vladimir Dvorniković*
Neo-Folkism	Where there is a people, there is a folk, and where there is a folk, there will be the folkish. But while the Völkisch movement of Germany exists in a liminal space between a romantic past and the industrial present, there are those that embrace the scare of modernity, willing the gears of history to grind onward. Ancient myths and folk beliefs are brought to life and given a second baptism, as under the aegis of Neo-Folkism, the carriage of the past is saddled to the runaway horses of the future. This new face of folkism was born out of the crisis of modernity, as many countries either succumbed to the siren song of cosmopolitanism or closed themselves off in reactionary shells. The Neo-Folkists rejected those answers, they chose the impossible; they embraced the rapture of modernity, wielding it as a sword against the apathy of traditionalism and the egotistical march of internationalism. Seeped in the ink of authors such as Jan Stachniuk and the Carnaliste group of Marc Augier, Neo-Folkists took up arms against those to their left and right, cutting a path forward to secure an existence for their people and a future for their children. Turning their eyes towards their own people, Neo-Folkists tend to shine a new light upon old ideas. Many of them throw out Christ, Jehovah, and other messianic figures in favour of a rejuvenation of the pantheist - or pagan - faith inherent in their blood and rooted in their soil. Yet whether they wish to do away with all alien religion or simply mould it into a visage of the people, all Neo-Folkists embrace a vitalist view of faith, worshipping life itself and all that springs from it. As such, Neo-Folkists tend to embrace the collective destiny of a people based on aspects such as a shared creative energy, leaning towards socialized means of economic management, yet without succumbing to materialist worship of the international worker. It is due to this same collective destiny that democracy is often shrank down to the local level, if not trampled entirely; after all, the will of the people can manifest itself best without parliamentarians splitting it apart. There are thousands of peoples, and there are thousands of folks; Neo-Folkism, drawing upon local roots, differs wildly from nation to nation. Yet above all else, they are united by one truth: the primordial gods and heroes of the past are alive yet still, and soon they shall find themselves fighting to defend the homeland once again.	Antonin Artaud (Druidist) Nayden Shaytanov Bohdan Ihor Antonych Avraham Stern
Technocracy	The pace of the modern era accelerates with each year. New inventions, new factories, new breakthroughs — society drags behind like a bag of sand tied to the steel horse of industry. Governments of old still fail to understand and manage the modern world. Still guided by archaic ideas, they fall into economic crisis, into anarchy. Order seems to wane with every revolution, every crash, and every one of the countless wars of the last decades. Yet, there is a solution. A new order, brought by the brightest minds of mankind: Technocracy. These iron men wish to formulate a technical-scientific form of government, a world where not the voice of the mob will count, but the plans of a capable, rational state, suited for the challenges of modernity. Corrupt politicians, deceiving demagogues, greedy captains of industry, all are to be done away with and replaced by the rule of capable experts, knowledgeable scientists, talented engineers, and true visionaries: an elite able to conquer the modern world and forge a bright future out of it. Despite these lofty ideals, the Technocratic movement is still in its nascency. Though the idea of an unelected intellectual elite reaches as far back as Plato, and while a scientific form of government was described by Auguste Comte, the first true technocrats only appeared in the early 20th century. In America, economists and engineers discussed viable technical solutions for the kind of malaise only touched by philosophers; and in Russia, the Cosmist movement weaved utopian visions of a society that completely mastered technology and science, for the rebirth of mankind itself in a perfect form. Where industry has triumphed, so has Technocracy spread: it has made successful appeals to European engineers, suited the tastes of British intellectuals, and even found echoes in the Far East. As the world enters a new age, the Technocrats are here to make sure this will be an age of order and progress; a true new Enlightenment, shining ever so brightly over the darkness of past centuries.	Orlando Villas-Bôas+ Tetsuzan Nagata Howard Scott Cedric Dover
Surrealism	The line between the living and the dead is thin, a shimmering silver thread between this reality and the next. In the Aboriginal cultures of Australia, the land itself was birthed from this thread, in what they called "the Dreaming." It is from this very seam - this dreamlike crack between worlds - that Surrealism was birthed from. Despite what he might wish to be the truth, Surrealism did not spring from the mind of André Breton fully formed. A term coined by Guillaume Apollinaire of later Escadron fame, Surrealism was first used to describe the music of Erik Satie; a reality beyond reality. From this, the eponymous artistic movement began to take shape, but the Surrealist Pontificate would not be headed by Apollinaire, but rather by the aforementioned Breton - his dual manifestos would define the form as it would come to be known, as the Twin Testaments of the Surreal. Yet it was only in 1927 that Surrealism would take the leap from the artistic to the political, as the expulsion of the Surrealists from the nascent SFIO over participation with the Artaud mayorship would lead to them creating their own vehicle; the Parti Surréaliste Français. Quickly, the PSF would become dominated by its leader, and Surrealism began to take form as a bastard child birthed from the incestuous rutting between utopian socialism of the 19th century and avant-garde sensibilities of the 20th. While some on the left have simply denounced Surrealism as "Bretonistic revisionism" propagated in a Bismarckian fashion to fill the proletariat's head with lies, the movement itself branches far beyond what words fall out of the open maw of its founder. The power of modernity to bring forth the primaeval, the superiority of the unconscious over the conscious, the triumph of the metaphysical over the dialectical, the rending of reality; these are concepts shared by many, and executed in a plethora of divergent methods - the Surrealist bouquet has many blossoming flowers. After all, in a world where the logic of two and two makes industrial slaughter, who can blame the men who dare to dream of something beyond the real?	Antonin Artaud (Acéphale) M. Spieros
Vperedism	In the eyes of a European observer, Communism and Accelerationism are usually seen as eternal enemies. Yet — noticed by many reactionary and moderate critics — there exist deep similarities between their doctrines: the bold impulse to completely reorder the world and bring forth a new mankind. That similarity is what lies at the roots of Vperedism, a movement that embraces both the socialist proletarian revolution and the avant-garde project of a new modernity. Vperedism owes its name to a split among the Russian Social Democrats — between the Vpered faction of Alexander Bogdanov and the followers of Vladimir Lenin — over the question of revision of Marx in certain epistemological issues. While the former came to assert their dominance in the Party, Lenin remained influential in the Second International, and the Vperedists had to pay a bitter price for their heresy. Bogdanov was officially denounced at the 9th Congress of the International, pushing Vperedism even further to the margins of the communist movement. Yet, Lenin was not without critics. Many comrades banded together in defence of Bogdanov, forming the dissident Third International: a place for those too radical and unconventional for the doctrines of Orthodox Marxism. While the Third International doesn't enforce a clear theoretical line, two ideas are usually defining for Vperedist movements: the primacy of the struggle of humanity against nature over social struggles, and the pivotal role of culture. Together they create a radically Promethean vision of the revolution, not only of an end to capitalist oppression, but also a transformative event for humanity itself — an unshackling of the collective will from internal struggles, now united to fight together for a glorious future. A socialism for the 20th century cannot stop at the promise of comfortable life for everyone, but should demand more: the abolition of death itself, the unending war against still matter, the collective realisation of what was once thought to be mysterious sorcery. And above all socialism has a duty to achieve the ultimate destiny of mankind: to claim the stars and spread life in the Universe, to reach dominion over the whole Cosmos. Are such dreams too bold for a harsh reality? Or are the mainline communists mired in ideas belonging to the 19th century? No matter how dark things may seem for the war-scarred humanity, the Vperedists continue to believe there is a wondrous future waiting to be claimed, brighter than anything one can imagine.	Aleksandr Bogdanov Iosif Stalin Mykhail Semenko